Bloodsport
Cockfighting in America
Russell Cobb
By the time I finally found my way to the Mid-America Game Club
outside of Muldrow, Oklahoma, David Chavez’s roosters had
swept the afternoon derby. Chavez, a lean Kansan by way of Juarez,
Mexico, looking somewhat like Lee Van Cleef in The Good, the Bad,
and the Ugly, had four victorious cocks this crisp December day.
During the lull between the afternoon and evening fights, Chavez
and his three handlers lounged in the smoke-filled arena, sipping
domestic beer in Styrofoam cups. The cage in the middle of the
arena looked like a smallish boxing ring littered with dirt, feathers,
and blood.
I had arrived at one of the few remaining cockpits in Oklahoma
to witness the sport with my own eyes. Here a legal battle royal
is underway to decide the constitutionality of a November 2002
referendum banning cockfighting. It hadn’t been easy: my
life had been threatened on an online cockfighting discussion board
when I asked for information about cockfighting, I had been led
down apocryphal state roads by an Oklahoma tourism official, and
given wrong dates and times by cockpit owners.
Oklahoma was (and technically still is) one of only three states — Louisiana
and New Mexico are the other two — to allow cockfighting,
and the debate over the sport had turned the state’s normally
dull politics on its head. Although the ban had passed by 54 percent,
it was rejected by 57 of the state’s 77 counties and a state
judge placed a temporary injunction on any enforcement of the new
law. So while cockfighting might be in legal purgatory, the sport
continues, even as the debates over it grow shriller. To cockfight
or not to cockfight has become a referendum not just on the sport
itself, but on the state’s moral compass and external image.
Cockfighting, like the Grapes of Wrath some seventy years earlier,
has forced Okies to confront their deepest fears and anxieties
about race, class, and violence.
There has been widespread speculation since November that a last-minute
mobilization of cockfighters failed to defeat the referendum, but
somehow succeeded in upsetting the ultra-conservative Republican
candidate for governor, Steve Largent, who had called cockfighting “a
barbaric practice.”
Largent seemed like a shoe-in for two factors: as a US congressman
he had been one of the most visible members of the Christian Coalition
and, perhaps more important, he is an NFL Hall of Fame wide receiver.
Football and Christianity are a powerful tandem in Oklahoma, and
to a lesser extent, national politics: JC Watts, Tom Osborne, and
Jack Kemp are but a few representatives who parlayed success on
the gridiron to Capitol Hill. When I asked Ken McNeeley, owner
of the Mid-America Game Club, if cockfighters could take some of
the credit for beating Largent, he got serious: “You don’t
have to ask that,” he said. “You know we beat that
SOB.”
To Largent and Republican Governor Frank Keating the answer to
the vexing State Question 687 was simple: cockfighting is an abomination,
a cancer on the face of the Heartland. “Cockfighting is cruel,” Keating
said shortly before the election, “it promotes illegal gambling,
and it’s simply embarrassing to Oklahoma to be seen as one
of only a tiny handful of locations outside the Third World where
this activity is legal.” The comparison of Oklahoma with
the “Third World” resonated on more levels than Keating
could have anticipated.
While cockfighting has been a shadowy subculture in the United
States since at least the turn of the century, it has experienced
a revival in part due to the influx of Mexican immigrants to the
South, where cockfighting culture is most ingrained. This has led
to an unlikely coalition between these new immigrants and rural,
poor or working class whites against the conservative mainstream.
“The way I feel about it is, you have one Mexican cocker,
he brings seven of his buddies to a fight. A white guy brings two,
maybe three,” said Sam, an Oklahoma rooster farmer near the
Texas border, “It’s good for the sport.” Contrary
to the image that the anti-cockfighting lobby tried to present,
cockfighters, for the most part, seem to accept and even welcome
diversity — as long as they agree with their sport. “Who
cares what color you are,” another one said, “the question
is: do you fight chickens?”
“We’re a live and let live bunch,” McNeeley
told me, only to warn me about “queers, lesbians, and vegetarians … funky
people in the cities with hair down to their ass and rings in their
nose.”
It wasn’t only the subtle racism of Keating’s statement
that hit home for many cockfighters. In a state with a 15 percent
poverty rate that ranks Oklahoma as the eighth poorest in the nation,
cockfighters believed that they were being pegged as lazy, vice-ridden,
poor white trash.
Cockfighting has, in other words, become an allegory for class
warfare. In an interview with NPR, Janet Pearson, the Tulsa World’s
editorial page editor admitted that the newspaper’s stand
against cockfighting had more to do with class and identity than
with the actual sport. “To us, as an editorial board, the
image issue was really paramount. I mean, it just seemed like a
backward activity.”
Inside the Pit
The cockpits themselves, according to the anti-cockfighting lobby,
led by the Humane Society and the Oklahoma Coalition Against Cockfighting,
are dens of iniquity full of drugs, prostitution, cruelty, and
gambling. Yet, somehow, the atmosphere in Mid-America felt only
slightly more decadent than bingo night for seniors at the VFW.
Kids drank huge sodas and ran circles around the pit, men discussed
cocks’ blood lines in the jargon of genetic engineers, and
David Chavez and his handlers returned to business, readying their
roosters for a long evening of cockfighting.
To Hayden Hise, a 77-year old veteran and retired referee of the
sport, cockfighting is anything but backward. “Cockfighting
is an art and the best cockfighters are extremely dedicated to
the sport,” he said while grabbing two roosters and setting
them on scales for an evening bout. Hise fought and raised cocks
for 44 years before acquiring his current post as Mid-America’s
announcer and cockfight supervisor. He is sharp and friendly; he
is the only cockfighter who dares to look this non-cockfighter
in the eye. He is articulate, too: unlike most cockfighters, who
justify the violence of the actual fight by reverting to a “natural
law” argument, Hise is aware of the deep bonds between human
and cock. Man has bred the rooster over the past 2,000 years to
become more aggressive, quicker, and stronger, Hise says. Everyone
knows that the rooster is a natural fighter, he says, the difference
is his handler: “A good handler can bring a dead rooster
back to life,” Hise claims. The psychological connection
between the cock and the handler can be the difference between
life and death. “I’ve seen plenty of fights where the
handler gives up and the rooster just dies.”
If this is true, then the notion that cockfighting is “barbaric” becomes
much more complicated. Cockfighters are quick to argue that they
treat their animals with much more dignity and respect than your
average chicken farmer. “What’s really cruel?” Sam
asks me, refusing to give his last name. “A guy who takes
care of his roosters for three years, or these farms packed with
chickens that they electrocute after a few weeks?”
While some of the arguments cockfighters put forth to legitimize
what is, in fact, a blood sport do seem far-fetched, this is an
irony in the debate over chicken fighting lost on no cockfighter.
Just across the border in Springdale, Arkansas sits the corporate
headquarters of Tyson Foods, the world’s largest poultry
producer, a $7 billion a year business.
Tyson operates what in official parlance is known as Concentrated
Animal Feedlot Operations — more commonly known as “factory
farms” — all over Arkansas and Oklahoma, and has been
labeled by Multinational Monitor as one of the “World’s
Ten Worst Corporations” for its use of child labor. Conditions
in Tyson’s farms, or any large-scale poultry farm, are notorious:
hens are densely packed in cages so that they can’t move,
while their beaks are sawed off to prevent them from pecking one
another to death. As if the child labor and animal abuse charges
weren’t enough, none other than the Oklahoma Attorney General
(not an office known for animal rights crusades) recently threatened
to sue Arkansas for contaminating its rivers with phosphorous,
a by-product of poultry waste.
Yet as the debate continues, and I hunker down in the middle of
Muldrow with David Chavez and his handlers, who are diligently
fastening on an inch-long blade to a rooster cradled in one of
the handler’s arms, politics gives over to the visceral sensation
of impending mortal combat. This rooster, his white heckles and
black plumage shining, closes his eyes as he is prepped and messaged
for the upcoming fight. Will he end up in Mid-America’s ROOSTER
trash bin or on a Kansas farm as a 12-year-old prize battle cock?
I could watch and find out, but it is midnight already and home
is a long way from Muldrow.
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